The Fall of ANP: How a Legacy of Resistance Was Replaced by Political Irrelevance

The Awami National Party (ANP), once a dominant force in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), has seen a significant decline in its political influence over the years. This decline has been attributed to several factors, including its perceived disconnect from the people, alignment with the establishment, and failure to uphold the legacy of its founding leaders, Bacha Khan and Abdul Wali Khan. Meanwhile, the rise of Imran Khan and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has largely overshadowed the ANP, as the party has captured the aspirations of the province's youth and middle class.

ANP’s Shift from Resistance to Compliance

The ANP has historically been a party of resistance, advocating for Pashtun nationalism, democracy, and autonomy. However, in recent years, it has been accused of aligning with the same establishment it once opposed. Bacha Khan and Abdul Wali Khan were seen as symbols of defiance against the state's oppressive policies. They championed non-violent resistance, democratic values, and Pashtun identity.

However, contemporary ANP leadership has distanced itself from this legacy by engaging in political compromises that have alienated its traditional support base. Critics argue that the party’s leadership, particularly under Aimal Wali Khan, has grown increasingly disconnected from grassroots movements and is more focused on political survival than principled resistance.

ANP’s Governance Failures and Corruption Allegations

During its tenure in the KP government from 2008 to 2013, the ANP faced significant criticism for poor governance and corruption. Infrastructure projects were marred by allegations of kickbacks and nepotism. Additionally, the ANP-led government was unable to effectively address the growing security crisis in the province, leading to further disenchantment among the people. This governance failure contributed to the party's massive defeat in the 2013 general elections when PTI swept KP.

Perceived Alignment with the Establishment

The ANP has been criticized for maintaining ties with the establishment, contradicting its historical stance as an anti-establishment party. Many Pashtuns view the establishment as responsible for the instability in their region, including military operations, enforced disappearances, and human rights abuses.

The emergence of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) further exposed the ANP’s dilemma. Instead of fully supporting PTM's demands for justice and accountability, ANP leaders often appeared hesitant, unwilling to challenge state narratives. This inaction reinforced the perception that the ANP is no longer the voice of the oppressed Pashtuns but rather an extension of the status quo.

 Aimal Wali Khan’s Leadership and Internal Rift

Under the leadership of Aimal Wali Khan, the ANP has experienced significant internal discord. Many senior ANP stalwarts, who had been key figures in the party’s resistance narrative, were sidelined or expelled. This move has further weakened the party, as it alienated experienced politicians and party workers who had dedicated their lives to ANP’s cause.

Some of the prominent leaders who were forced out of the party include:

• Bushra Gohar – Former senior vice president of ANP, known for her progressive stance.

• Afrasiab Khattak – A veteran politician and intellectual who was vocal about human rights and democracy.

• Latif Afridi (late) – A prominent lawyer and politician who had a strong base among Pashtun nationalists.

• Sitara Ayaz – Senior ANP leader and a Senator was ousted from the party unceremoniously.

These expulsions have not only created divisions within the party but also disillusioned longtime ANP supporters who saw these figures as integral to the party’s ideology.

The Rise of Imran Khan and PTI

One of the biggest reasons for the ANP’s decline has been the rise of Imran Khan and PTI, which has managed to galvanize mass support in KP. Several factors explain PTI's appeal:

Anti-Corruption Narrative

PTI’s relentless focus on corruption resonated with the people of KP, who had become disillusioned with traditional parties, including ANP. Imran Khan’s rhetoric against corrupt politicians and his call for a ‘Naya Pakistan’ attracted a significant portion of the youth and middle class.

Welfare-Oriented Governance

During PTI’s rule in KP (2013-2023), the party introduced reforms in health, education, and local governance. The Sehat Card scheme, providing free healthcare to millions, was widely praised. Police reforms made law enforcement more accountable, and educational initiatives improved access to schooling. In contrast, ANP’s previous governance was seen as inefficient and corrupt.

Pashtun Identity and Narrative

While the ANP has historically positioned itself as the protector of Pashtun rights, PTI successfully adopted a similar stance, often portraying Imran Khan as a leader who genuinely cares for Pashtun interests. This shift in perception was evident in the 2018 general elections when PTI secured a historic mandate in KP, further marginalizing the ANP.

Electoral Success and Popularity Trends

PTI's popularity in KP can be gauged by its consistent electoral success:

• 2013 Elections: PTI won 48 out of 99 seats in the KP Assembly, while ANP was reduced to a mere five seats.

• 2018 Elections: PTI further strengthened its position, winning 66 out of 99 seats.

• By-Elections 2023: Despite political pressure and historic crackdown on PTI leaders, independent candidates backed by PTI continued to dominate the electoral landscape in KP and secured two third mjority in the province.

The Youth Factor

One of the biggest shifts in KP’s politics has been the rise of youth participation in elections. With more than 60% of Pakistan’s population being under 30, political engagement through social media has played a crucial role. Imran Khan, unlike the ANP’s aging leadership, has managed to connect with the youth through digital platforms and other uncoventional creative mediums. ANP, on the other hand, has struggled to engage with younger voters, further eroding its support.

Failure to Adapt to Changing Political Realities

The ANP's inability to modernize its political strategy has left it lagging behind. While PTI effectively uses digital campaigns, social media activism, and grassroots mobilization, the ANP still relies on outdated methods. The party's leadership crisis and lack of internal democracy have further weakened its ability to compete with PTI’s dynamic political machinery.

Can the ANP Reclaim Its Lost Ground?

For the ANP to regain its relevance, it must reconnect with its ideological roots and the aspirations of the people. It needs to:

1. Adopt a clear anti-establishment stance and reclaim its legacy of resistance.

2. Engage with youth and digital media to counter PTI’s dominance in these areas.

3. Address governance concerns and provide a vision for KP’s future beyond mere rhetoric. It needs to chalk out plans backed with facts and figures. People wont buy the old slogans and sabre rattling speeches to motivate them based on sketchy but hollow ideas. 

4. Reform internal party structures to promote fresh leadership and democratic values.

Unless the ANP makes substantial changes, it risks further political irrelevance. Meanwhile, PTI, despite facing challenges from the establishment, continues to dominate the hearts and minds of KP’s people, who see Imran Khan as their primary representative against political corruption and systemic oppression.

Battle for Democracy: A Civilian Uprising Against Judicial Control and Erosion of Fundamental Rights in Pakistan

The current protests by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) in Islamabad represent a critical juncture in Pakistan's political landscape. These protests arise in response to proposed constitutional amendments that many fear will undermine the independence of the Supreme Court. Central to these protests is the widespread sentiment that the amendments are being rushed through by Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa before his term ends, potentially eroding the judiciary's autonomy and consolidating government control over the courts. PTI supporters, including law-abiding citizens, view these amendments as a direct attack on the country's democratic foundations.

The protests have paralyzed much of the state's functioning, as the city has been blocked with hundreds of containers and checkpoints while PTI workers attempt to rally at D-Chowk. This movement aims to mobilize citizens to prevent these constitutional changes, which many believe will pave the way for further autocratic measures. The government's response has been heavy-handed, with restrictions on PTI's assembly rights, raising concerns about the violation of constitutional guarantees like freedom of speech and assembly.

In a broader context, these protests reflect deep-rooted frustrations with the state's current trajectory. From economic decline to increasing authoritarianism, citizens fear that the crisis may worsen without meaningful change. Amidst these challenges, there is also fear that the ethno-nationalist and religious extremist forces could gain traction, further destabilizing the country. This protest, therefore, is more than just about PTI or Imran Khan, it represents a struggle for the soul of Pakistan and its democratic integrity.

From Akora Khattak to Iowa: My Journey from Global UGRAD Participant to Environmental Advocate

 From Akora Khattak to Iowa: My Journey from Global UGRAD Participant to Environmental Advocate

"My journey from a small town in Pakistan to becoming a global citizen started with the Global UGRAD Pakistan program. Growing up in Akora Khattak, I had dreams but never imagined the doors that would open when I was selected for this life-changing exchange program. The experience was more than just a trip to the United States—it was a journey that would transform me as a person, as a student, and as a leader.

The moment I stepped into Iowa, everything felt different—the vast fields, the open skies, and the cultural diversity on campus. Coming from a town like Akora Khattak, this new world seemed daunting at first. I asked myself: How would I adapt? How could I represent my community, my country, and the values I grew up with in a place so far from home? But soon, I found that despite our differences, the core of human connection remained the same. People were kind, welcoming, and just as curious about my story as I was about theirs.

My time in the U.S. made me realize that the Global UGRAD program was not just about attending classes and fulfilling academic requirements. It was about personal growth, cultural exchange, and stepping out of my comfort zone. The program encouraged me to see the world from new perspectives and to think critically about the global challenges we all face. And while the academic learning was valuable, it was the real-world exposure that made the most impact on me.

I vividly remember the day I gave a presentation about Pakistan to my classmates. It wasn’t just a routine task; it was an opportunity to share my culture, my heritage, and the beauty of my homeland. Standing there, in the heart of Iowa, I felt an overwhelming sense of pride—representing not only Pakistan but also Akora Khattak, my roots, and the stories that shaped me. That moment encapsulated everything the Global UGRAD program was about—cross-cultural understanding, respect, and the exchange of ideas.

It was during this time that I started to notice a new passion emerging within me. My interest in environmental issues grew, sparked by various sustainability workshops and discussions on campus. Living in a community like Akora Khattak, where agriculture is deeply intertwined with daily life, I had seen how climate change affected livelihoods. But it was only through my UGRAD experience that I started to understand the global scope of these issues. Climate change wasn’t just about melting ice caps and rising temperatures—it was about people, communities, and the future of our planet.

Returning to Pakistan, I felt a deep sense of responsibility. Global UGRAD had taught me not just about leadership and advocacy but about the importance of taking action. The environmental issues I had learned about in the U.S. were impacting my own community. I could no longer stand by as a bystander. Inspired by what I had learned, I founded a youth-led climate advocacy organization aimed at addressing these pressing challenges at home. We started small, organizing local initiatives, but soon, our efforts grew. We held the province’s first-ever youth green festival and a successful youth camp in Swat Valley. These were not just events—they were platforms for young people to engage, learn, and take ownership of their future.

This transition from being a Global UGRAD participant to an environmental advocate wasn’t without its challenges. Leading a grassroots movement required patience, resilience, and the ability to bring people together. But the skills I had gained during my exchange—communication, empathy, and cultural sensitivity—were instrumental in navigating these hurdles. I learned how to engage with communities, listen to their concerns, and build trust, much like I had learned to do while adapting to life in the U.S.

Looking back, I realize how pivotal Global UGRAD was in shaping my path. It didn’t just give me an education; it gave me a mission. It opened my eyes to the power of youth-driven initiatives and the potential for global cooperation in solving local problems. The program gave me the confidence to take my ideas beyond the classroom and into the real world, whether through environmental advocacy or leadership in community projects.

For those of you considering the Global UGRAD Pakistan program, I want to share this: it’s more than just a scholarship. It’s a platform for self-discovery, a chance to represent your country, and a journey that will challenge you to grow in ways you never thought possible. You might start this program as a student, but you’ll emerge as a leader, an advocate, and a change-maker. Global UGRAD shaped me into an environmental advocate, but your journey could lead you to any number of paths that make a difference.

Take the leap. Apply for Global UGRAD. Trust me, the experiences, the lessons, and the opportunities you gain will last a lifetime. You never know where this journey might lead, but I promise, it will be worth it."

Unwavering Resolve: The Case for the soul of the Nation

 

Dawn, Pakistan's leading newspaper, features a poignant yet imaginative portrayal of the 2024 election, with Imran Khan dominating the political scene while subtly positioned in the background.

Over time, I've been contemplating whom to vote for in the next general elections. Despite occasional disappointments with the previous government led by Imran Khan, I've been delving into the intricacies of governance and the will to reform. I've weighed the pros and cons of established legacy parties. As time has passed, I've come to realize the immense impact of COVID-19 on the globe, especially in South Asia. Understanding the challenges of a cash-strapped country like ours, I've started to appreciate how well we've coped with such a calamity, showing resilience amid difficulties.

There have been anguishes, but overall, there was a sense of optimism, especially inspired by the leadership at the top, which exuded confidence and a clear sense of direction. Admittedly, Khan's government had been weak and dependent on allies. While in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) the situation hasn't been as dire, Khan must have learned that dealing with blackmailing politicians requires a firm stance rather than appeasement. Reflecting on figures like Pervaiz Khattak, their betrayal might have been deeply hurting.

Then came the no-confidence moment, a notorious event in our history. It seemed like all forces had aligned to remove one man from the scene. Despite valiant resistance, led by the party often dubbed as the "burger party," Khan faced vehement opposition. Constitutional supremacists rose against him, reducing his narrative to conspiracy theories when he claimed the regime change was externally orchestrated by internal players—a claim vindicated over time.

As Khan rallied the masses, becoming a potent threat, the gloves came off gradually. Pressure mounted on him to relent, yet he persisted, fighting within the bounds of the constitution. However, his right to protest was curtailed, and state machinery was mercilessly employed against his supporters. Journalists reporting on regime brutalities faced persecution, with some forced into exile.

Despite facing over 200 bogus cases, Khan remained resolute, demanding fair trials. The turning point came on May 9th, when he was unlawfully dragged from court premises, sparking a chain of events that led to tragic fatalities among peaceful protestors. Blame was shifted onto Khan, providing an easy route for those seeking to counter his mass support with naked force.

Many protestors were coerced into apologies, while others faced relentless persecution. This crackdown, enabled by bought commentators and activists once vocal for the rule of law, became a grotesque spectacle, with words losing their meaning. Even those who despised Khan begrudgingly saved face with token tweets, as press conferences unfolded in dramatic fashion.

The crackdown on dissent became absurd, with erstwhile champions of justice and constitution remaining conspicuously silent, enabling the brutality unfolding in broad daylight.

During these crackdowns, over 10,000 political workers were unjustly jailed without trial for months. They were relentlessly pursued, and their families faced harassment. Many party members endured unimaginable horrors during this time. Women were forcibly removed from their homes, and even children were not spared. Journalists disappeared without a trace. Political leaders began to change their stances intermittently, following the infamous "software updates," a term that has been strangely glamorized despite its sinister implications. It's not a matter to be taken lightly—people vanish, enduring unspeakable torture in harsh cells, only to reappear with altered political loyalties. This should have been vehemently resisted, but those who claim to champion civilian rights remained silent. Human rights organizations joined the fray very late, much like our law enforcement agencies often do after crimes are committed.

Throughout these events, international capitals wielding global power turned a blind eye. Khan was anathema to them due to his pursuit of an independent foreign policy that prioritized Pakistan's interests above all else. Then came a time when media outlets began to silence the name of Imran Khan under the influence of extremely powerful forces. They became monotonous and steadily lost legitimacy, much like the so-called civilian supremacists. It became clear to those who had already transitioned to social media why electronic media was declining.

Meanwhile, the man in the cell, popularly known as Prisoner 804, remained undeterred. He was presented with difficult choices—leave the country or hand over the reins of the party to a more favorable figure—but he refused. He opted to resist and face the sham trials. One by one, convictions were handed down in kangaroo courts. The masks came off the faces of so-called favorite judges, once touted as mavericks. Their televised proceedings only revealed the mockery of justice, as the whole nation witnessed the election symbol being snatched from Khan's PTI, a fundamental right of the people according to Article 17 of the constitution, with widespread consensus.

The Election Commission displayed bias and a stunted approach in dealing with this particular party. Their internal affairs were scrutinized microscopically, revealing a judiciary acting as both judge and executioner, with orders originating from elsewhere. This drama persisted in the trial courts, where a secretive and biased trial aimed at convicting the country's most popular leader unfolded. He was convicted and once again became a prisoner, not of any crime, but of conscience. His character was tarnished through a farcical case, and he was convicted of a crime he never committed. His family, including his wife, was also dragged into this sordid affair. However, the masses never bought into this scheme; his approval ratings only increased as the elections approached. With the highest penetration of cellular phones, Pakistanis were well aware of the events through independent journalism.

Amidst the circus, Election Day has arrived, and here I am. I am voting for the constitutional supremacy of civilians and the rule of law in our country. Defeating Khan would mean betraying the dream envisioned by the founder of our nation. This is a betrayal I am not willing to concede, hence my vote for Khan.

Revisiting Perspectives: Bridging Generational Gaps

In a world where the limelight often shines brightly on the achievements and ambitions of the youth, it's essential to cast a compassionate and critical eye on the wisdom and experiences of our elders. The generation gap sometimes blinds us to the chronic and systematic inadequacies in our society, many of which were shaped by their own generations.

There's a sense of entitlement that comes with being an elder, and rightfully so, given the wealth of experience they've accumulated over the years. But here's the thing - having that wealth of experience doesn't always mean having a pulse on the current happenings and understanding the complex economic and social injustices that persist in our society.

It's not a blame game; it's a call for introspection. The world is evolving at an unprecedented pace, and the challenges faced today are vastly different from those of yesteryears. It's not easy for our elders to adapt to these changes, and that's where the real dilemma lies. The lessons they've learned throughout their lives can be hard to change.

Change isn't easy, especially in this age bracket. However, it's imperative that we engage in open, respectful dialogues to bridge this generational gap. We must encourage our elders to embrace the changes, to revisit their perspectives, and to acknowledge that our society still grapples with deeply rooted issues. Together, we can work towards a better and more just Pakistan, one that values both the wisdom of the past and the vigor of the future.

Let's cherish our elders and respect their wisdom while working hand in hand to address the chronic systemic inadequacies in our society. Change may be stiffer in this age bracket, but it's never impossible.

Khushal Khan Khattak Thought Provoking Poetry

The Rosette Nebula, some say depicts a human skull

Credit: NASA/ESA

Truly ahead of his time, Khushal Baba urges human beings to realize its true potential and place in the vast universe through these verses:

جهانونه څه لژ نه دې

ته ئي نه وينې نا دانه

ګوره څو دي هسې زمکې

ګوره څو هسې اسمانه

واړه ځائے دي ستا په زړۀ کښې

اے تر عرشه لوئي انسانه

آئينه د زړه صیقل کړه

چې اې اووینې اے جانه

كه دې دا ننداره وشي

جدا نۀ ئي له سبحانه

خوشحال بابا

Book (Chapter) Review: Securitization and Desecuritization

 Book (Chapter) Review

Securitization and Desecuritization

Introduction

The author of this chapter “Securitization and Desecuritization” has enhanced our conceptual comprehension of security through pros and cons of the “traditionalist” and “post-modernist” approaches. We can grasp the whole concept, history and rationale behind the term “Security” by studying its ingredients. The notion that “more security is better” is also challenged. Furthermore, the concept is being analyzed through the lens of European security. I have added my concluding thoughts at the end of this review paper.

Key words: Military, war, state, national, human, environmental and societal security, integration, fragmentation

Critical Discussion

Security can be roughly termed as a challenge to the opponent’s will and imposing our (own) will. Security of the people is a broad topic and all encompassing while in essence, the concept of individual and international security is nonexistent. The term national security is a terminology corresponding to state security while non-state security is abstract. Hence, comparing both on the same level is a contradictory approach. Similarly, Barry Buzan’s book: People, state and fear (1983) had inherent flaws where national, international and individual security was discussed in the same pyramid of security (on equal level). 

It is possible to re-imagine the concept of security from a new lens but it must be true to the classical discussion on security. In essence the over emphasis on military can be minimized and the non-military security agendas can be emphasized. According to Morgenthau, the use of military as a means of security mechanism is not an automatic choice but given certain circumstances, it is the best available choice in terms of national security. In contemporary world, the paradigm of military in terms of security is shifting towards political, economic, ecological and societal factors.

Logic of war replaces politics in a conflict according to “Clausewitz”. ”Rousseau” further stated that in war, the individuals are enemies by accident as the defenders of their motherland. The fundamental questions of legitimacy, sovereignty and identity as a state are asked when wars are fought between two states. War is an act by the opponent to fulfill his will and derive recognition through this struggle. Due to this important fact, one cannot underestimate the institution of “War”. On the other hand, National security is a complex, diverse and inter subjective concept and therefore, must not be gauged on the scale of some specific yardstick. It is an overarching concept.

From Alternate to Security: The Speech Act

Security is the presence of a security challenge and a response taken to mitigate it while “insecurity” means the presence of security problem but no response towards it. Security discourse most often originates from the elites with “class interests” and hence the term may not be necessarily attributed with a “positive phenomenon”. The elites and power holders’ transform a problem into national security issue in order to gain control and satisfy their inherent interests. The clash of East and West Europe was basically the securitization for the preservation of the system linked to the survival of elite on both sides. However, as the term security is manipulated by the elites, it is also possible to de-securitize the situation in order to escape the negative connotations associated with the term “security”. Such a situation is termed as “Speech Act Failure” and is relevant in terms of Eastern and West European relations in 1980s.

European Détente (1980s)

The advent of European détente was based on avoiding the security conflict which would have triggered negative consequences due to the presence of nuclear stockpiles on both sides of the conflict: Capitalist Western Europe and Communist Eastern Europe. Due to the mentioned circumstances in Europe, the stabilization of status quo was the main discourse. The Western Europe was preoccupied with militarized thinking as it was secured internally while Eastern Europe focused more on its economic and domestic stability concerns. The changes that occurred after the collapse of communism was largely due to the lack of central authority in eastern European countries as the elites lost self confidence and the shift occurred rapidly due to a vacuum. In the past, leaders would be sacrificed and a new clique would appoint a leader while structural changes would be ignored but in 1989, this impulse did not carried forward. Hence, the “Security Speech act” faced with failure and lost its relevance in this case. The debate revolving security mechanism became an unattractive notion to rally people around the idea. As a consequence of this event, the institutions and structures were enhanced and maximized to enable this status quo.

The placement of environment in the sphere of security is conceptually inadequate as the threat of environment to security is unintentional. In classical traditions, there ought to be one aggressor who wants to impose their will on the opponent. The plausible reason for putting the environment in the security paradigm is: (a) emphasize the environmental security (b) Urge popular support for the cause.

Secondly, according to Moss, the response of the state to tackle environmental security issues can lead to militarization of the issue and blow it out of proportions. According to Dan Deudney, the tendency to put environment as external phenomena directs human behavior towards “us versus them” and distracts the mankind own contribution to the environmental problems. In addition, the environmental security could end up as the political weapon in the hands of totalitarian left and damage the peace and tranquility of society with a manufactured security narrative. Although, he views ecological awareness as the possible way forward as opposed to regressive security logic as a driver of human aspirations and ambitions. Buzan and Moss suggests intertwining the environmental issue as one of the economic problem and view that this will put the environment on top priority across the world without the need of regressive steps being taken in the name of environmental security.

The concept of societal security and preservation is a big debate across the world and especially in Europe. With the vast migration in the past few decades, the debate is revolving around a) either to ingrate the refugees and migrants in the society b) consider it a problem and deal with it. The argument is that the minority surge will strengthen their dominance and challenge the societal values of the majority. The debate could either be taken over by: (a) Neo-Nazis that believes in homophobia or (b) the group trying to tell people that their concerns regarding the migration is invalid, which is known as “pedagogical approach”. 

One way forward could be to stop putting these issues under the realm of security in order to refrain from complicating it. However, this is easier said than done because societies are closely connected to political security, which gives legitimacy to the state or the government. However, the boundaries of the state and society are not the equal. The society identifies themselves with set of symbols, values and convictions. State needs sovereignty while the society needs identity.

In the evolving era, the political authority and territorial state is eroding in some cases such as Euro Model. In this case, as the culture is deemed under threat from Europeanization, the answer is to enhance existing identities under the union. For example, Denmark has taken steps to reinforce Danish traits of its culture as a mechanism to instill its uniqueness inside the European Union, term broadly outlined as “Cultural Security”

In the above societal security discussion, two basic questions arise: (a) Whether state identities will erode (b) Will EU member states go back to adapt the nation state identities. The current paradigm is to paint the first option as fragmentation of the Europe and second one as the integration of Europe guaranteeing its security.

It is often asserted that the state speaks for the society but this argument cannot be generalized. Most often, the establishment elites of the society enhance their interests in the garb of “will of the society”. The velvet revolution in Czechoslovakia is one of the rarest moments where the non-elected civic forum was recognized as the genuine voice of the society. The voices of society are most often controversial and always countered by an alternative narrative. 

In view of the above discourse, we can envision the migration related problems in Europe. The prevalent view of a humanitarian issue and domestic economic issue is clouded by concerns from society about possible security issues emanating from migration. The securitizing of policies on racist grounds could fuel further racist currents in the society.

The Europe’s chief goals post 1989 was to limit the options of fragmentation on the pretext of security and apprehensions of destabilization. The main threat is cited as Balkanization of Europe. Hence, without naming any enemy, the political and military status quo in Europe is maintained. NATO also favors to defend the allied countries against uncertainty which is an implicit acknowledgement of the status quo in Europe and elsewhere.

John Deloras argued in favor of European integration by embracing the migration. This progressive argument enables EU strength and would decrease the chances of wars and conflicts owing to intertwined interests. In essence it is the continuation of Hobbesian principles of anti-anarchy discourse and the enhancement of Euro-State. Europe has two options: (a) to embrace the stateless identity as currently and hence preserve integration of the Europe and decrease perceived threats (b) To embrace state identity and brace for world power influence in their affairs.

My Concluding Remarks

In the light of the abovementioned discourse, we have understood the concept of national security, human security, environmental and societal security from different perspectives. The conventional concept of security corresponded to national or state security which has evolved with the passage of time. The usage of term in various contexts was comprehended in great details. The drawbacks of securitizing the national, societal and environmental problems were discussed. The European Union model of regional identity and its corresponding nation states model were compared in the context of enhancing security and the evolving perspectives. The issues of territorial integrity and sovereignty as well as the erosion of national identities were discussed post the cold war era. How the elites can define the narrative on security and the common perception of being the voice of society all came under the scanner. The most pertaining dilemma of immigration and the European debate of integrating the new migrants into the society versus the debate on excluding them are also discussed. In current era, the debate can be found more pertinent after the “Brexit” or the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union and how the debate of integration may take a blow. Hence, we can assume that the discussion on security can be comprehended with clarity after reading the abovementioned chapter “Securitization and Desecuritization”